25.10.07

Re: [mediacare] Sekitar G30S, Suharto, PKI dan TNI-AD (16)

 
----- Original Message -----
From: Umar Said
Sent: Friday, October 26, 2007 2:11 AM
Subject: [mediacare] Sekitar G30S, Suharto, PKI dan TNI-AD (16)

(Tulisan ini juga disajikan dalam website

http://kontak.club.fr/index.htm)

 

DEWAN REVOLUSI dan KUDETA DI RADIO (16)

          Oleh: Harsutejo

Menyerimpung Politik PKI

Dalam pengakuannya di depan Mahmillub pada 1967-1968, Ketua BC PKI Syam menyatakan seluruh perbuatannya sebagai pelaksanaan instruksi Ketua PKI Aidit termasuk pengumuman dan dekrit yang disampaikan lewat RRI Jakarta menurut pengakuannya disusun oleh Aidit. Segala pengakuan Syam tentang G30S boleh dibilang tidak dapat diperiksa dan dirujuk kebenarannya. Dokumen G30S yang diumumkan pada 1 Oktober 1965 yang terdiri dari pengumuman Letkol Untung, Dekrit No.1, Keputusan No.1 dan Keputusan No.2, rendah mutu politiknya. Dalam pengumuman pertama bernada emosional. Sulit dipercaya dokumen semacam itu disusun oleh seorang Aidit, seorang pemimpin politik yang telah malang melintang secara nasional dan internasional, pemimpin komunis kaliber dunia.

Dalam pengumuman yang dibacakan di RRI Jakarta pada 1 Oktober 1965 jam 07.00 pagi a.l. disebutkan, "Presiden Sukarno selamat dalam lindungan Gerakan 30 September. Juga sejumlah tokoh-tokoh masyarakat lainnya yang menjadi sasaran tindakan Dewan Jenderal berada dalam lindungan Gerakan 30 September." Pernyataan ini tidak benar karena keberadaan Presiden Sukarno di PAU Halim merupakan kehendak beliau sendiri berdasarkan prosedur baku penyelamatan. Rombongan presiden ini berada dalam lindungan lingkungan PAU Halim, sedang pasukan G30S berada di luarnya, ketika hendak masuk ke wilayah PAU Halim mereka diusir oleh pasukan penjaga pangkalan. Memang Brigjen Suparjo, salah seorang pemimpin G30S menemui BK di Halim. Dari Halim Presiden Sukarno memanggil sejumlah petinggi negara untuk menemuinya

Selanjutnya dokumen itu bertentangan dengan politik front nasional yang mati-matian diperjuangkan oleh pimpinan PKI. Terlebih lagi dokumen itu menafikan persekutuan PKI dengan Presiden Sukarno. Dalam Dekrit No.1 antara lain disebut, "Dewan Revolusi Indonesia menjadi sumber daripada segala kekuasaan dalam Negara Republik Indonesia," selanjutnya, "Dengan jatuhnya kekuasaan negara ke tangan Dewan Revolusi Indonesia, maka Kabinet Dwikora dengan sendirinya berstatus demisioner." Ini berarti kudeta terhadap kekuasaan Presiden Sukarno, meski dalam kenyataannya hanya di atas kertas dan tidak pernah mewujud. Apa mungkin Aidit mengubah dasar politik PKI dalam semalam pada saat BK masih segar bugar? Pendeknya dokumen-dokumen tersebut menyerimpung politik PKI ketika itu, sesuatu yang mokal jika disusun oleh seorang Ketua PKI DN Aidit.

Kekanak-kanakan dan Mencari Musuh

Dalam pengumuman Letkol Untung tentang gerakan termuat retorika emosional. "Jenderal-jenderal dan perwira-perwira yang gila kuasa, yang menelantarkan nasib anak buah, yang di atas tumpukan penderitaan anak buah hidup bermewah-mewah dan berfoya-foya menghina kaum wanita dan menghambur-hamburkan uang negara harus ditendang keluar dari Angkatan Darat dan diberi hukuman setimpal...."

Kegiatan Dewan Revolusi (DR) sehari-hari disebutkan diwakili oleh Presidium Dewan yang terdiri dari komandan dan wakil-wakil Gerakan 30 September (G30S), yang semuanya dari kalangan ABRI (termasuk polisi) yakni Letkol Untung (Komandan), Brigjen Suparjo (Wakil Komandan), Letkol Udara Heru (Wakil Komandan), Kol Laut Sunardi (Wakil Komandan), Ajun Komisaris Besar Polisi Anwas (Wakil Komandan). Dengan kata lain pemerintah harian dipegang oleh militer alias pemerintah militer. Lima orang ini sekaligus menjadi Ketua dan Wakil ketua DR yang seluruh anggotanya terdiri dari 45 orang (termasuk ketua dan wakilnya), dengan 23 orang dari kalangan ABRI, 2 orang pemimpin PKI eselon dua atau tiga. Apa pun susunannya, dewan ini tidak pernah eksis dalam sejarah Indonesia.

Dalam keputusan No.2 disebutkan, "... segenap kekuasaan dalam negara Republik Indonesia.... diambil alih oleh Gerakan 30 September...." Dokumen ini masih berlanjut "....Gerakan 30 September yang Komandannya adalah perwira dengan pangkat Letnan Kolonel, maka dengan ini dinyatakan tidak berlaku lagi pangkat dalam Angkatan Bersenjata Republik Indonesia yang di atas Letnan Kolonel atau setingkat...." Pendeknya dokumen ini selain sekali lagi menegaskan penyingkiran Presiden Sukarno, sementara dalam pengumuman pertama disebutkan tentang penyelamatan Presiden Sukarno, secara kekanak-kanakan tidak mengakui pangkat setara atau di atas sang komandan Letkol Untung. Bukan saja kekanak-kanakan, tetapi juga mencari musuh lebih banyak lagi alias memperlebar front musuh.

Dokumen DARIPADA

Dua dokumen penting yang disiarkan oleh RRI Jakarta pada Oktober1965 yang mungkin selama ini kurang mendapat perhatian dari segi bahasanya. Yang pertama dokumen pengumuman G30S tentang penurunan dan penaikan pangkat yang disiarkan RRI pada siang hari 1 Oktober 1965. Dokumen kedua pidato Mayjen Suharto di Lubang Buaya pada 4 Oktober 1965 yang malamnya disiarkan oleh RRI.

Dokumen pertama dari G30S pada butir kedua berbunyi sbb, "Karena Gerakan 30 September pada dasarnya adalah gerakan DARIPADA Prajurit bawahan, terutama DARIPADA Tamtama dan Bintara, maka dengan ini dinyatakan, bahwa semua Tamtama dan Bintara dari semua Angkatan Bersenjata RI yang mendukung Gerakan 30 September dinaikkan satu tingkat lebih tinggi DARIPADA sebelum tanggal 30 September 1965". Sedangkan dokumen kedua pidato Mayjen Suharto pada bagian akhir kalimat alinea kedua dan kalimat pertama alinea ketiga berbunyi sbb, "…. tidak mungkin tidak ada hubungan dengan peristiwa ini DARIPADA oknum-oknum DARIPADA anggota AURI. Oleh sebab itu saya sebagai warga DARIPADA anggota AD mengetok jiwa perasaan DARIPADA patriot anggota AU bilamana benar-benar ada oknum-oknum yang terlibat dengan pembunuhan yang kejam DARIPADA para Jenderal kita yang tidak berdosa ini saya mengharapkan agar supaya para patriot anggota AU membersihkan juga DARIPADA anggota-anggota AU yang terlibat".

Meninjau kedua dokumen tersebut haruslah dalam konteks jamannya, gaya bahasa dengan penggunaan kata DARIPADA semacam itu tidaklah lazim di masa itu. Hal ini amat berbeda dengan gaya bahasa selama lebih dari 30 tahun Orba yang begitu dominan, bahkan sampai saat ini sering masih kita temukan keluar dari mulut 'daripada' para pemimpin dan 'daripada' birokrat di depan publik, juga mereka yang bicara di televisi. Kita semua mengenal gaya bahasa itu mula-mula milik Suharto, selalu dipeliharanya tanpa putus sepanjang kekuasaan dan sesudahnya. Dalam pidato pendek pengalihan kekuasaannya kepada BJ Habibie, Jenderal Besar Suharto telah menggunakan berpuluh 'daripada'. Rupanya Suharto memang 'daripada' kampiun dan pencinta 'daripada' yang tiada bandingnya.

Dalam dokumen pertama dalam satu kalimat terdapat 3 (tiga) 'daripada', sedang pada dokumen kedua dalam dua kalimat terdapat 6 (enam) 'daripada'. Dari situ dapat dibuat beberapa kesimpulan sementara, Letkol Untung, Komandan G30S [atau katakan DN Aidit] mempunyai gaya bahasa yang sama dengan Mayjen Suharto, Panglima Kostrad yang baru saja melumpuhkan G30S. Atau dokumen-dokumen tersebut mempunyai pabrik tunggal?

Menurut pengakuan Letkol Untung kepada Letkol Heru Atmodjo, mantan Perwira Intelijen AURI selama di penjara, ia tidak tahu menahu dokumen tersebut di atas. Sedang dokumen sebelumnya tentang pengumuman G30S yang disiarkan RRI pada 1 Oktober 1965 setelah warta berita jam 7.00 pagi disodorkan oleh Syam Kamaruzaman kepadanya untuk ditandatangani.[]

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24.10.07

Perburuan Tak Kunjung Tuntas


Perburuan Tak Kunjung Tuntas


Cover GATRA Edisi 50/2007 (GATRA/Tim Desain)Gugatan Kejaksaan Agung terhadap Pak Harto dan Yayasan Supersemar tidak mempengaruhi kegiatan yayasan lainnya. Terkabar, gugatan perdata terhadap Pak Harto dan Yayasan Beasiswa Supersemar (YBS) ini merupakan jalan masuk untuk memburu enam yayasan lainnya milik Pak Harto. Juga untuk memburu duit Pak Harto yang diduga tersimpan di luar negeri. Selain YBS, memang masih ada enam yayasan lainnya milik Pak Harto yang dibidik karena dugaan penyimpangan penggunaan dananya. Tersebut Yayasan Trikora, Yayasan Damandiri (Dana Sejahtera Mandiri), Yayasan Dharmais, Yayasan Dakab (Dana Abadi Karya Bakti), Yayasan Amal Bhakti Muslim Pancasila (YAMP), dan Yayasan Dana Gotong Royong Kemanusiaan.

Namun, di luar gugatan ini, ada hal yang tampaknya memang luput dari perhatian publik. Beberapa bulan setelah lengser, tepatnya 22 November 1998, Pak Harto melayangkan surat kepada Presiden B.J. Habibie. Isinya, ia menyerahkan ketujuh yayasan yang dipimpinnya itu kepada pemerintah. "Surat itu isinya menyerahkan pengelolaan yayasan kepada pemerintah, bukan kepemilikan,
" ujar Subiakto Tjakrawerdaya, Sekretaris Pengurus Yayasan Damandiri.

Walau demikian, Subiakto mengaku, sampai saat ini aktivitas yayasan yang berkiprah membantu keluarga miskin itu masih berada di tangan pengelola. Dan, sejauh ini, tidak ada wakil pemerintah yang berada di dalam kepengurusan. "Namun kami tetap melaporkan perkembangan yayasan kepada pemerintah melalui Menko Kesra," katanya.

Hal itu juga dibenarkan Juan Felix. Ia menegaskan, lewat surat itu, Pak Harto menyerahkan koordinasi ketujuh yayasan itu kepada pemerintah. Koordinasi itu, mulai operasi kegiatan hingga penyaluran sejumlah dana, diawali oleh Kantor Menteri Koordinator Kesejahteraan Rakyat. Lalu sempat berpindah ke Sekretariat Negara. "Sekarang saya tidak tahu lagi lembaga mana yang mengoordinasikan,
" ujarnya.

Sejak Pak Harto lengser, sumber-sumber dana bagi yayasan banyak menciut. Bahkan ada yang terhenti sama sekali. Seperti diungkapkan Sulastomo, Ketua Pengurus YAMP. Dulu sumber dana utama yayasan itu berasal dari sumbangan wajib pegawai negeri, anggota tentara, dan polisi yang beragama Islam.

Sumbangan itu diambil dari gaji mereka yang besarnya menurut golongan: yang terendah Rp 50 dan tertinggi Rp 2.000 per bulan. Tapi aliran dana itu dihentikan sejak Habibie berkuasa. "Sekarang kami hidup dari deposito bank dan dividen dari saham yayasan di Bank Muamalat dan Gedung Granadi," katanya.

Akibatnya terasa langsung pada kegiatan-kegiatan yayasan yang berdiri pada 17 Februari 1982 itu. Kalau dahulu yayasan itu bisa membangun puluhan masjid sekaligus, kini paling banyak delapan masjid dalam setahun. Demikian pula, dulu yayasan sanggup mengirim ribuan da'i ke 18 provinsi di Indonesia. Kini kegiatan itu jadi sangat terbatas. Tapi, Sulastomo mengaku, proses peradilan Pak Harto dan Yayasan Supersemar tak memberi pengaruh pada aktivitas YAMP.

Hal serupa diungkapkan Subiakto. Menurut dia, operasional dan kegiatan Yayasan Damandiri tak terpengaruh oleh gugatan terhadap Yayasan Supersemar. "Kami jalan terus karena ini misinya untuk rakyat banyak. Yang penting, kami kelola dengan akuntabel dan transparan," ujar mantan Menteri Koperasi dan Pemberdayaan Usaha Kecil dan Menengah itu.

Sama pula halnya dengan YAMP, sumber dana Yayasan Damandiri merosot seiring dengan lengsernya Pak Harto. Subiakto mengakui, kini tidak ada lagi pihak yang menjadi donatur. Padahal, dulu yayasan ini mengelola sumber-sumber dana dari para konglomerat. "Begitu Pak Harto berhenti, kan sumber dana ini distop. Ya, sudah, kami mengelola dana yang ada saja," katanya, sembari menyebut total dana milik yayasan kini sekitar Rp 3,5 trilyun.


Erwin Y. Salim, Deni Muliya Barus, Rach Alida Bahaweres, dan Mukhlison S. Widodo
[Laporan Utama, Gatra Nomor 50 Beredar Kamis, 25 Oktober 2007

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22.10.07

Soeharto tidak Layak Digugat. Status Bapak Pembangunan Indonesia Dijadikan Alasan


Pikiran Rakyat, 23 Oktober 2007

Dasar tim kuasa hukum Soeharto menolak gugatan di antaranya kualitas
penggugat yang dianggap tidak memeliki kepentingan langsung.


Soeharto tidak Layak Digugat
Status Bapak Pembangunan Indonesia Dijadikan
Alasan

JAKARTA, (PR).-
Mantan Presiden Soeharto dinilai tidak layak
digugat dan diadili karena statusnya sebagai Bapak Pembangunan
Republik Indonesia. Penguasa Orde Baru itu jua dianggap tidak perlu
juga mempertanggungjawabkan kebijakan berkaitan dengan Yayasan
Supersemar.

Demikian antara lain tanggapan tim kuasa
hukum Soeharto dan Yayasan Supersemar atas gugatan perdata yang
dilayangkan Kejaksaan Agung, di Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Selatan,
Senin (22/10).

�Soeharto telah mempertanggungjawabkan
kebijakannya melalui Sidang Umum Majelis Permusyawaratan Rakyat
(MPR) dan semua laporannya telah diterima. Jadi, tidak ada lagi
pertanggungjawaban pidana maupun perdata,� kata kuasa hukum
Soeharto, Juan Felix Tampubolon.

Disebutkan pula, gugatan terhadap mantan
presiden tidak ada contoh kasusnya dalam sejarah Indonesia. "Tidak
pernah ada satu presiden dalam sejarah pemerintahan Indonesia bahwa
seorang mantan kepala negara dan kepala pemerintahan dapat digugat
secara perdata. Apalagi mengingat jasa-jasa Soeharto dalam membangun
negara," katanya.

Juan Felix juga mengingatkan, Soeharto
pernah dinobatkan sebagai Bapak Pembangunan Republik Indonesia
karena dianggap telah mampu mengangkat bangsa ini dari
ketertinggalan melalui tahapan-tahapan pembangunan lima tahun.

Penyaluran dana

Menyangkut penyimpangan dana Yayasan
Supersemar ke sejumlah perusahaan milik Hutomo Mandala Putra dan Bob
Hasan, tim kuasa hukum mengatakan, hal itu sebagai cara yayasan
mencapai tujuan.

�Hubungan Yayasan Supersemar dengan
perusahaan-perusahaan (penerima dana-red.) adalah hubungan pinjam-
meminjam," kata M. Assegaf, anggota tim pengacara Soeharto.

Hubungan itu bisa dilihat dalam penyaluran
dana yayasan ke PT Kiasa Lestari, PT Kiani Sakti, dan PT Sempati
Air. Penyaluran dana yayasan ke perusahaan juga untuk penyertaan
modal/saham seperrti PT Bank Duta, PT Sempati Air, PT Tanjung Redep
Hutan Tanaman Industri, PT Kosgoro, PT Essam Timber, dan PT Kalhold
Utama.

�Peminjaman dana kepada perusahaan-
perusahaan tersebut tidak dilarang dalam AD/ART yayasan sebagaimana
tercantum pada pasal 3 ayat (4) yakni yayasan berhak meminjamkan
uang yayasan kepada pihak lain. Jadi, tergugat tidak melakukan
tindakan melawan hukum sebagaimana dituduhkan penggugat,� kata
Assegaf.

Hal lain yang dijadikan dasar tim kuasa
hukum Soeharto menolak gugatan di antaranya kualitas penggugat yang
dianggap tidak memiliki kepentingan langsung, masa gugatan
kedaluwarsa, dan gugatan salah alamat karena Soeharto tidak lagi
menjadi pengurus yayasan sejak 2006.

Sebagaimana diberitakan, Ketua Yayasan
Supersemar Soeharto dan Yayasan Supersemar dianggap telah melawan
hukum oleh penggugat (Kejaksaan Agung) karena menyalurkan dana
yayasan di luar keperluan beasiswa dan sosial.

Kebijakan yayasan itu mengakibatkan negara
dirugikan 420 juta dolar AS dan Rp 185,9 miliar, sebab 50% dana
yayasan diperoleh dari 5% total laba bersih bank-bank pemerintah.
(84)***

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Tommy Soeharto serahkan proposal perdamaian

Tommy Serahkan Proposal Perdamaian

Today, 22 October 2007, 25 minutes ago | Tri Wibowo Santoso

VHRmedia.com, Jakarta - Salah satu tergugat perkara perdata tukar guling lahan milik Badan Urusan Logistik dengan PT Goro Batara Sakti, Hutomo Mandala Putra atau Tommy Soeharto, menyerahkan proposal perdamaian kepada Jaksa Pengacara Negara Kejaksaan Agung.

Dalam sidang mediasi di Pengadilan Negeri Jakarta Selatan, Senin (22/10), Elza Syarief, pengacara Tommy Soeharto, enggan menyebutkan isi proposal perdamaian tersebut. Elza juga menolak menyebutkan nilai nominal yang diajukan Tommy

Pengacara Soeharto Bantah Ada Pinjaman Ilegal

Today, 22 October 2007, 25 minutes ago | Tri Wibowo SantosoGo to full article

VHRmedia.com, Jakarta - Kuasa hukum Soeharto dan Yayasan Supersemar menampik tuduhan ada penyaluran dana ilegal milik yayasan ke kroni Soeharto dalam bentuk pinjaman.

Juan Felix Tampubolon, pengacara bekas presiden itu, mengatakan pinjaman dana yang dilakukan perusahaan milik kroni Soeharto kepada Yayasan Supersemar dilakukan berdasarkan aturan hukum.

Menurut Juan Felix, pinjam-meminjam dalam bentuk penyertaan saham dan penambahan modal dari Yayasan Supersemar kepada perusahaan-perusahaan tersebut

Pasukan Korea Selatan Tetap di Irak

Today, 22 October 2007, 25 minutes ago | Yerry Nikholas BorangGo to full article

VHRmedia, Seoul - Pemerintah Korea Selatan mempertahankan pasukan tempurnya di Irak hingga tahun 2008. Namun jumlah pasukan akan dikurangi separonya. Keputusan itu dikeluarkan sebulan setelah berakhirnya penyanderaan warganya di Afghanistan, yang menelan dua korban jiwa.

"Pasukan di Irak akan ditarik, yang seharusnya akhir Desember 2007, akan ditunda hingga tahun depan. Namun jumlahnya akan dikurangi dari 1.200 menjadi 600 personel," kata juri bicara Kementerian Pertahanan Korea Selatan,

Buruh Mogok, Transportasi Prancis Lumpuh

Today, 22 October 2007, 25 minutes ago | Yerry Nikholas BorangGo to full article

VHRmedia.com, Paris - Pemimpin sejumlah serikat buruh kereta api Prancis bertemu untuk merancang langkah berikut setelah mengadakan mogok kerja. Aksi itu telah melumpuhkan jalur transportasi nasional, terutama di sekitar Paris.

Pada pertemuan Minggu (21/10) para buruh menyatakan mogok kerja itu sebagai respons atas rencana Presiden Nicolas Sarkozy yang akan memotong keringanan pensiun buruh kereta api dan energi. Pemerintah menyatakan hanya pekerja yang telah bekerja 40 tahun

---------------------------------------------------

Aan

www.VHRmedia.com

Voice of Human Rights News Centre

Jl. Tebet Barat Dalam II/15

Jakarta

T. 021 - 8318274

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17.10.07

Berlebaran dengan Suharto

 
----- Original Message -----
From: Umar Said
Sent: Wednesday, October 17, 2007 9:48 PM
Subject: [wartawanindonesia] Ber-hariraya Lebaran dengan Suharto

Tulisan ini juga disajikan dalam website

http://kontak.club.fr/index.htm)

 

 

                Ber-hari raya Lebaran dengan Suharto

Hari Raya Lebaran sudah lewat. Dan ketupat serta makanan-makanan lezat yang macam-macam itu sudah habis juga atau tinggal sisa-sisanya saja. Zakat sudah dibagi-bagikan kepada mereka yang berhak menerimanya, sedangkan sampah-ampah juga sudah dibuang. Sementara itu,  banyak orang sudah lupa atau tidak peduli lagi kepada ucapan saling mema'afkan,  dan para pencoleng dan koruptor (serta para penipu politik !!!) akan meneruskan, dengan leluasa, berbagai kejahatan mereka seperti biasanya. 

Dalam rangka Hari Raya Lebaran yang telah usai ini ada berita yang cukup menarik untuk kita perhatikan bersama, dan berusaha kita jabarkan dari berbagai sudut pandang. Berita itu adalah tentang « sowannya »  (bahasa Jawa, artinya : menghadap) sejumlah pejabat tinggi dari berbagai lembaga negara dan « tokoh » kepada Suharto. Untuk itu, di bawah ini disajikan sebagian apa yang diberitakan oleh Balipos dan Detikcom.

Berita dari Balipos 

Balipos menulis (15 Oktober 07) antara lain : « Meski kondisi kesehatannya dikabarkan tidak baik, ingatan mantan Presiden Soeharto ternyata masih tajam. Hal ini diakui Menteri Negara Pemberdayaan Perempuan Meutia Farida Hatta Swasono usai berkunjung ke kediaman Pak Harto di Jalan Cendana, Jakarta, Sabtu (14/10). ''Beliau (Pak Harto) masih ingat saya. Dia tanya apa kabar Meutia?'' kata putri Proklamator dan mantan Wapres RI M. Hatta itu kepada wartawan.

Di tempat sama, mantan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur) mengaku Pak Harto dalam keadaan baik-baik saja. Namun, Ketua Dewan Syuro PKB ini tidak menjelaskan secara rinci kondisi kesehatan Pak Harto secara jelas tentang keadaan baik seperti yang dikatakannya.

Sepeninggal Gus Dur, makin banyak pejabat negara datang antara lain Kasad Jenderal TNI Djoko Santoso, Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi (MK) Jimly Asshiddiqie, Menteri Perindustrian Fahmi Idris, Wakil Ketua MPR Moeryati Soedibyo. Juga mantan pejabat negara antara lain mantan Menteri Luar Negeri Ali Alatas, mantan Kepala Bulog Bedu Amang, mantan Menteri Kehakiman Utoyo Usman, serta pengusaha Setiawan Djodi dan Bob Hasan.

Selain itu tampak juga anggota DPR dari Fraksi Partai Golkar Yuddy Chrisnandi. Anggota Komisi I DPR ini meminta semua pihak tidak mempersoalkan lagi pengadilan atas diri mantan Presiden RI itu mengingat kondisi fisiknya yang sudah sangat sepuh. Yuddy mengaku kedatangannya ke kediaman Pak Harto sengaja dilakukan untuk menghormati mantan pemimpin nasional itu.

Selain para pejabat negara dan pengusaha, Wapres Jusuf Kalla secara khusus juga menyempatkan diri bersilaturahmi ke kediaman Pak Harto.

 Berita Detikcom 13 Oktober 2007

 

Sedangkan Detkcom menulis sebagai berikut : "Meski sudah tak lagi berkuasa, kharisma mantan Presiden Soeharto tampaknya masih besar. Puluhan tokoh-tokoh merasa perlu bersilaturahmi ke Soeharto. Berdasarkan laporan reporter detikcom, para pejabat, mantan pejabat dan pengusaha itu silih berganti tiba di kediaman Soeharto di Jalan Cendana, Menteng, Jakarta, Sabtu (13/10/2007) sejak pagi.

Para pejabat yang datang:

- Ketua Mahkamah Konstitusi Jimly Asshiddiqie

- Ketua DPR Agung Laksono

- Wakil Ketua DPD Mooryati Sudibyo

- Gubernur Lemhannas Muladi

- KSAD Jenderal TNI Djoko Santoso

- Menneg PP Meutia Hatta

- Menag Maftuh Basyuni

- Menperin Fahmi Idris

- Ketua Fraksi PDIP DPR Tjahjo Kumolo

- Anggota Fraksi Partai Golkar DPR Yuddy Chrisnandi

- Gubernur DKI Jakarta Fauzi Bowo

Mantan pejabat sebagai berikut:

- Mantan Presiden dan juga Ketua Dewan Syuro PKB Abdurrahman Wahid

- Mantan Menlu Ali Alatas

- Mantan Kabulog Beddu Amang

- Mantan Menkeu JB Sumarlin

- Mantan KSAD Subagyo HS

- Mantan KSAD Wismoyo Arismunandar

- Mantan Gubernur DKI Jakarta Sutiyoso

- Mantan Menteri Kehakiman Utoyo Usman

- Mantan Menhub Agum Gumelar

- Mantan Menag Tarmizi Taher

- Mantan Pangkostrad yang juga bekas menantu Soeharto, Prabowo Subianto

Tokoh-tokoh lainnya:

- Konglomerat Bob Hasan

- Konglomerat Setiawan Djodi

- Ekonom Sri Edi Swasono

-          Pebulutangkis Taufik Hidayat.

Tanda bahwa sisa-sisa Orba masih kuat

Adanya berita bahwa sejumlah  tokoh atau pemimpin berbagai lembaga negara kita memerlukan "sowan" ke hadapan Suharto dalam rangka Hari Lebaran bisa mengandung makna yang macam-macam bagi mereka yang pro-Suharto maupun yang anti-Suharto.

Di antara berbagai makna itu adalah bahwa masih ada orang-orang yang menganggap bahwa Suharto adalah orang yang masih tetap perlu dihormati, walaupun sudah dikutuk secara luas oleh berbagai kalangan – baik di Indonesia maupun di luarnegeri --, berhubung banyaknya dosa dan bermacam-macamnya kejahatan yang telah dilakukannya selama 32 tahun berkuasa sebagai pemimpin rejim militer Orde Baru.

Juga bisa bermakna bahwa mereka yang "sowan"  itu tidak menggubris sama sekali adanya ketetapan MPR yang memerintahkan diperiksanya Suharto berhubung dengan praktek-praktek KKN yang sudah diketahui oleh umum secara luas itu.

Atau bahwa mereka menganggap sepi sama sekali adanya begitu banyak aksi dan gerakan dalam masyarakat yang menuntut diadilinya Suharto karena besarnya korupsi dan banyaknya kejahatan yang telah dilakukannya. Atau menganggap "sampah" saja berita-berita tentang pencantuman namanya sebagai pencuri nomor satu di dunia oleh PBB dan Bank Dunia.

Dikunjunginya Suharto oleh begitu banyak orang yang sedang  -- dan telah --  memegang berbagai  macam kekuasaan penting atau pengaruh besar adalah cermin bahwa sebagian kekuasaan di negeri kita masih tetap terus dipegang oleh sisa-sisa Orde Baru orang-orang yang menaruh rasa hormat kepada Suharto atau yang menghargai "nama baik"nya.

Kemungkinan bisa diadilinya Suharto

Patut diperhatikan bahwa di antara orang-orang yang "sowan" kepada Suharto itu kebanyakan adalah orang-orang Golkar dan pendukung keras atau pengagum rejim militer Orde Baru, kecuali sejumlah kecil sekali yang bukan, termasuk antara lain Gus Dur.

 Apa pun pertimbangan atau alasan yang bisa dikemukakan para pemimpin dan berbagai "tokoh" yang "sowan" kepada Suharto pada kesempatan Hari Lebaran ini maka jelaslah bahwa sikap yang demikian itu mengandung arti yang amat penting, karena Suharto adalah bukan orang biasa saja yang juga sekarang ini sedang mempunyai persoalan besar.

"Sowannya" kepada  Suharto oleh para pemimpin Golkar (antara lain : Jusuf Kalla, Agung Leksono) dan pembesar-pembesar lainnya yang juga simpatisan Golkar (terbuka maupun tertutup), memberikan isarat atau pertanda bahwa  kemungkinan Suharto akan diadili akan tetap kecil, kecuali kalau berbagai gerakan untuk menuntutnya akan makin berkembang secara besar-besaran.

Bisalah kiranya diperkirakan bahwa mereka yang "sowan" kepada Suharto pada Hari Lebaran bukanlah orang-orang yang gembira dengan pengumuman PBB dan Bank Dunia bahwa Suharto adalah pencuri nomor satu di dunia. Mereka bukanlah  pula orang-orang yang ikut mengharapkan bahwa program StAR Initiative dari PBB dan Bank Dunia akan bisa berhasil dengan baik di Indonesia.

Acara Hari Lebaran di jalan Cendana kali ini menunjukkan sekali lagi, dan untuk kesekian kalinya, bahwa kekuasaan politik di Indonesia masih didominasi oleh kekuatan sisa-sisa Orde Baru., baik yang terangan-terangan maupun yang tertututp. Ini merupakan hal

Paris, 17 Oktober

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14.10.07

The Lawyer: "Not One Cent Abroad"

 
----- Original Message -----
From: Sunny
Sent: Sunday, October 14, 2007 4:54 PM
Subject: [KKN-Watch] The Lawyer: "Not One Cent Abroad"

 
 
The Lawyer: "Not One Cent Abroad"
Holed up in the family compound in Jakarta, Suharto declined repeated requests for an interview about his holdings. But Hong Kong bureau chief John Colmey met separately with two of the former President's lawyers, Otto Cornelis Kaligis, head of Suharto's eight-member legal team, and Juan Felix Tampubolon. Excerpts from the interviews:

TIME: There is evidence that $9 billion was transferred from Switzerland to Austria under President Suharto's name.
Kaligis: When I asked President Suharto about this, he told me: "I don't have one cent abroad." And he gave absolute power of attorney to the Attorney General to investigate. If he finds any evidence, Mr. Suharto is ready to be brought to court. Therefore, I do not believe it is true.

TIME: Has Suharto accumulated billions of dollars in hidden wealth?
Tampubolon: There is no legally admissible evidence to say he has accumulated billions. The AG's office has identified his bank accounts: the amount is $2.4 million. Seven foundations chaired by him received funds amounting to $547 million. These foundations, as well as their assets, have been transferred to the government.

TIME: It is seems unlikely those foundations could collect only $547 million over 19 years, given their revenues. In 1990, for example, they had a controlling share in Bank Duta, with assets of $1 billion.
Kaligis: I don't have every detail about them, but the money of the foundations was used to build mosques and churches, to fund student scholarships, and for social activities.

TIME: The AG's office says more than half the money was lent to Suharto's children and friends, who rarely repaid any of it.
Kaligis: In my experience accompanying the President to the examination by the AG, all the evidence was delivered to him. So far his investigations of Mr. Suharto have never touched the children.

TIME: Should Suharto be held responsible for any crimes of the children?
Kaligis: The law says no.

TIME: Do you think Suharto was aware of the greed of his children?
Kaligis: He concentrated on the government. The children as citizens have the right to carry on business, and it has nothing to do with policies of President Suharto.

TIME: Will Suharto ever stand trial?
Tampubolon: In my opinion he will never have to. For every crime he committed, if any, before 1981, the right to prosecute has expired under the statutory period limitation. For any crime committed within 1981-1998, if any, the right to prosecute has been abolished by the decrees of the People's Consultative Assembly, which accepted Mr. Suharto's reports on how he carried out the assembly's mandate.

TIME: Isn't it ironic that many Suharto critics were once his biggest supporters?
Tampubolon: Of course it is ironic that many who used to support Mr. Suharto now consider him as the only culprit of every error committed in the past. Doesn't that mean that they're criticizing themselves?

TIME: Does Suharto continue to influence the military?
Kaligis: When I asked if he is still involved with political life, he said there are "no activities at all." What he is doing now is praying and facing his old age. He knows he is going to die, and as a Muslim he prepares himself for that.

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The Family Firm

 
----- Original Message -----
From: Sunny
To: kkn
Sent: Sunday, October 14, 2007 5:00 PM
Subject: [KKN-Watch] The Family Firm

 
 
TIME (ASIA)
May 24, 1999
 
 
The Family Firm

A TIME investigation into the wealth of Indonesia's Suharto and his children uncovers a $15 billion fortune in cash, property, art, jewelry and jets

By JOHN COLMEY and DAVID LIEBHOLD Jakarta

When the end came for Suharto, Indonesia's long-serving President appeared oddly passive. As students and angry mobs took to the streets and soldiers responded with gunfire and tear gas, the five-star general hovered in the background, making few attempts to set things right. When he finally quit a year ago this week, he stood meekly to the side as his successor, B.J. Habibie, took the oath of office. Suharto has hardly been heard from since.

But Indonesia's onetime autocrat has been far busier than most of his countrymen realize. Just after his fall from power there began feverish movements of his personal fortune. In July 1998, reports emerged that a staggering sum of money linked to Indonesia had been shifted from a bank in Switzerland to another in Austria, now considered a safer haven for hush-hush deposits. The transfer caught the attention of the United States Treasury, which tracks such movements, and set in motion diplomatic inquiries in Vienna. Now, as part of a four-month investigation that covered 11 countries, TIME has learned that $9 billion of Suharto money was transferred from Switzerland to a nominee bank account in Austria. Not bad for a man whose presidential salary was $1,764 a month when he left office. (Suharto, for his part, denies that he has any bank deposits abroad and insists that his wealth amounts to a mere 19 hectares of land in Indonesia, plus $2.4 million in savings.)

Those billions are just part of the Suharto wealth. Though the Asian financial crisis has trimmed the family empire considerably, the former President and his children retain a staggering fortune. It was built over three decades from a skein of companies, monopolies and control over vast sectors of economic activity in Indonesia--from oil exports to humble pilgrims making the yearly visit to Mecca. (They flew on planes leased from companies controlled by Suharto's children.) According to data from the National Land Agency and Properti Indonesia magazine, the Suharto family on its own or through corporate entities controls some 3.6 million hectares of real estate in Indonesia, an area larger than Belgium. That includes 100,000 sq m of prime office space in Jakarta and nearly 40% of the entire province of East Timor.

Within Indonesia, the six Suharto offspring have significant equity in at least 564 companies, and their overseas interests include hundreds of other firms, scattered from the U.S. to Uzbekistan, the Netherlands, Nigeria and Vanuatu. The Suhartos also possess plenty of the trappings of wealth. In addition to a $4 million hunting ranch in New Zealand and a half-share in a $4 million yacht moored outside Darwin, Australia, youngest son
Hutomo Mandala Putra (nicknamed Tommy) owns a 75% stake in an 18-hole golf course with 22 luxury apartments in Ascot, England. Bambang Trihatmodjo, Suharto's second son, has an $8 million penthouse in Singapore and a $12 million mansion in an exclusive neighborhood of Los Angeles, two doors down from rock star Rod Stewart and just up the street from his brother Sigit Harjoyudanto's $9 million home. Eldest daughter Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana may have sold her Boeing 747-200 jumbo jet, but the family's fleet of planes included, at least until recently, a DC-10, a blue-and-red Boeing 737, a Canadian Challenger 601 and a BAC-111. The latter once belonged to the Royal Squadron of Britain's Queen Elizabeth II, according to Dudi Sudibyo, managing editor of Indonesia's Angkasa aerospace magazine.

Neither Suharto nor his six children responded to requests for interviews, though lawyers for the former President and son Bambang asserted that their clients did nothing illegal. Indeed, no one has proven that the Suhartos broke any laws. Their companies mostly consist of operating entities that turn profits, create jobs and import Western technology. Yet allegations that the former First Family benefited from favoritism, commonly heard in Indonesia since the early 1980s, began to grow louder when the former President resigned. His successor quickly announced an official investigation into such charges. Tommy, the youngest son whose corporate empire at one point included the Lamborghini sports car company, is already in legal jeopardy, facing charges of defrauding a state agency of $11 million in a real estate deal. The South Jakarta district court recently rejected a plea from Tommy's lawyers that he be tried in a civil court and is proceeding with a criminal trial.

In an interview at the State Palace, Habibie told TIME he will not cover up for his former mentor, but he has so far declined to freeze the family's holdings or to follow up on the investigation in any meaningful way. Private asset-tracing firms are excited at the prospect of a Suharto treasure hunt, if only Jakarta would hire them. "In terms of dollars, we think this could be bigger than anything we have ever seen before," says Stephen Vickers, Asia chief for Kroll Associates, which helped investigate the wealth of the Philippines' former President Ferdinand Marcos. "My bags are packed."

The search won't start in earnest unless the man in charge of the government's investigation, Attorney General Andi Muhammad Ghalib, gives the go-ahead. Ghalib, a three-star general in the Indonesian military, told TIME that he has found no evidence that his former supreme commander wrongly acquired state assets. But Ghalib has been moving slowly, and some of his own staff members are not convinced the investigation is serious. In the opinion of an official in the Attorney General's office, "Ghalib is on a mission to protect Suharto."

Nonetheless, the code of secrecy shielding the family is breaking down. After hundreds of interviews with former and current Suharto friends and government officials, business associates, lawyers, accountants, bankers and relatives, as well as examinations of dozens of documents (including bank records of outstanding loans), TIME correspondents found indications that at least $73 billion passed through the family's hands between 1966 and last year. Much of that was from the mining, timber, commodities and petroleum industries. Bad investments and Indonesia's financial crisis have reduced the sum substantially. But evidence indicates that Suharto and his six children still have a conservatively estimated $15 billion in cash, shares, corporate assets, real estate, jewelry and fine art--including works by Indonesian masters Affandi and Basoeki Abdullah in the collection of Siti Hediati Hariyadi, the middle daughter known as "
Titiek."

Suharto laid the foundation for the family fortune by establishing the intricate nationwide system of patronage that kept him in power for 32 years. His children, in turn, parlayed their ties to the President into the role of middlemen for government purchases and sales of oil products, plastics, arms, airplane parts and petrochemicals. They held monopolies on the distribution and import of major commodities. They obtained low-interest loans by colluding with or even strong-arming bankers, who were often afraid to ask for repayment. Subarjo Joyosumarto, managing director of Bank Indonesia, the central bank, confirms that during the time of Suharto, "there was an environment that made it difficult for the state banks to refuse them."

While the Indonesian economy was growing fast, it was possible to make light of the Suhartos' rent-seeking ways. Now, with half the population below the poverty line as a result of the financial crash, there is little doubt that the family grew wealthy at the expense of the nation. A former business associate of the children estimates that they skipped tax payments of between $2.5 billion and $10 billion on commissions alone. "It is very likely that none of the Suharto companies has ever paid more than 10% of its real tax obligations," says Teten Masduki, an executive member of Indonesian Corruption Watch, an anti-graft non-governmental organization. "Can you imagine how much revenue has been forgone?"

Many Indonesians also blame Suharto for creating a climate of corruption that pervaded the entire economy. The World Bank estimates that as much as 30% of Indonesia's development budget over two decades disappeared through civil-service-wide corruption that filtered down from the top. "If you don't pay bribes, people think you're odd," says Edwin Soeryadjaya, a director of an Indonesian-U.S. telecommunications joint venture. "It's very sad. I cannot say that I'm proud to be an Indonesian. This is one of the most corrupt countries in the world."
GREAT EXPECTATIONS

How did Suharto Inc. attain its wealth, its power and its hold over the imaginations of millions of Indonesians? When Suharto became acting President of Indonesia in 1967, his unique blend of forcefulness and Javanese political subtlety was already manifest. The ousting of "President for Life" Sukarno, the nationalist founder of the country, took two years and, through an accompanying anti-communist purge, claimed as many as 500,000 lives. But Suharto, an obscure general from a hardscrabble village in central Java, led an outwardly modest life. He and his late wife Siti Hartinah ("Madam Tien") initially lived in a simple bungalow in the Menteng district of Jakarta and drove a 1964 Ford Galaxy. That was in marked contrast to Sukarno, the self-styled "God-King," with his grand presidential palace and his glamorous third wife Dewi, a former Japanese hostess at Tokyo's Copacabana nightclub.

Behind the facade, however, Suharto showed an early interest in making money. In the 1950s, he was allegedly involved in sugar smuggling and other extra-military activities in Central Java that may have cost him command of the Army's Diponegoro Division during a 1959 anti-corruption drive. In his autobiography, Suharto asserts that he bartered sugar for rice to ease a local food shortage and that he did not benefit personally. In any case, the military transferred Suharto to a less influential position at the army staff college in Bandung, West Java.

In 1966, Suharto Inc. began to take shape. Before being officially named President, Suharto issued Decree No. 8 to seize two Sukarno-controlled conglomerates with combined assets of $2 billion. They became PT Pilot Project Berdikari, a company that Suharto placed under the management of Achmad Tirtosudiro, a former general who now heads a powerful Muslim organization founded by President Habibie. The firm was to become one of the main levers of the Suharto empire.

The President's fortunes began to soar along with those of a few close associates, most prominently Liem Sioe Liong and The Kian Seng, better known as Mohammad "Bob" Hasan. In late 1969, Suharto gave a partial monopoly--it later became total--over the import, milling and distribution of wheat and flour to PT Bogasari Flour Mills, controlled by Liem's Salim Group. Over the years Liem--known as "Uncle Liem" to the Suharto brood--and Hasan became Suharto's most trusted non-family associates and eventually amassed vast commercial empires.

The bedrock of the Suharto fortune was the presidential yayasan, or foundation. Dozens were set up, ostensibly as charities, and they have in fact funded a large number of hospitals, schools and mosques. But the foundations were also giant slush funds for the investment projects of the Suhartos and their cronies, as well as for the ex-President's political machine, Golkar. According to George Aditjondro, a sociology lecturer at Australia's University of Newcastle, they ultimately numbered 97 and were controlled by Suharto, his wife (who died in 1996), her relatives in the countryside, his cousin and half-brother, the six children, their spouses and parents, trusted military men and associates such as Habibie, Hasan and Liem. "The foundations bought stocks, built companies, lent money to businessmen," says Adnan Buyung Nasution, a lawyer who last year tried unsuccessfully to set up an independent commission on the Suharto wealth.

The foundations accepted "donations," though they were often less than voluntary. Beginning in 1978, all state-owned banks were required to give 2.5% of their profits to both the Dharmais and Supersemar foundations, according to former Attorney General Soedjono Atmonegoro. Suharto's Decree No. 92, in 1996, required that each taxpayer and company making more than $40,000 a year donate 2% of income to the Dana Sejahtera Mandiri foundation, set up to support poverty-alleviation programs (the order was rescinded last July). To this day, civil servants and members of the military donate a portion of their monthly salaries to the Amal Bakti Muslim Pancasila foundation, which was used by Suharto to win Muslim support.

While "donations" provided most of the foundations' revenue, there were other sources as well. In 1978, Suharto foundations took control of 60% of Bank Duta, a leading private bank, according to a former Bank Duta official. That share was gradually increased to 87%. The foundations invested heavily in private companies established by Suharto family members and cronies. After that, a helpful ministry or state-owned firm would award a contract or a monopoly to those companies.

Since Suharto's downfall, the foundations have been a major target of Indonesian investigators. Soon after Suharto's resignation, then-Attorney General Soedjono examined the books of the four largest yayasan. What he found was unsettling. "These foundations were set up to deliver social services," he says, "but Suharto had distributed the money to his children and friends." Soedjono discovered that one of the largest foundations, Supersemar, had dispersed 84% of its funds on unauthorized pursuits, including loans to companies owned by Suharto's children and friends. Suharto, as chairman, had to sign any check over $50,000. Soedjono submitted a preliminary report on his findings to President Habibie last June. He was fired five hours later. (The President says Soedjono was dismissed because he stepped outside the line of command on another matter.
 
OIL AND LAND

The Suharto reach extended well beyond the foundations' interests, and few deals were more lucrative than the family's oil businesses. In his first decade in power, Suharto allowed state oil conglomerate Pertamina to be run as a private fief by its founder Ibnu Sutowo, a former general once known as the second most powerful man in Indonesia. Sutowo's plan to build a huge tanker fleet for Pertamina brought it to the brink of financial collapse in 1975. He was fired the following year, though it wasn't clear whether the cause was mismanagement or his political ambitions. Now 84, Sutowo tells TIME it was neither. He says Suharto asked him in 1976 to set up a second trading company to ship Indonesian crude oil to Japan. "He said to me, 'I want you to take $0.10 for every barrel traded by the new company,'" Sutowo recalls. "When I said no, I think he was shocked."

After Sutowo was fired, Pertamina eventually imported and exported much of its oil through Perta Oil Marketing and Permindo Oil Trading, two small companies in which Tommy and older brother Bambang acquired significant stakes in the mid-1980s. According to a senior official in Habibie's government, the firms received a commission of $0.30 to $0.35 a barrel. In the 1997-98 fiscal year, the two companies handled an average of 500,000 barrels a day, for yearly commissions of more than $50 million. Says former Mines and Energy Minister Subroto: "Pertamina could have exported directly. There was no need for these companies."

In addition, a former business associate of Tommy and Bambang says there were extra, unofficial markups on oil exports and imports that earned the firms as much as $200 million a year in the 1980s, when prices were high, and about half that in the 1990s. Suharto family companies received Pertamina's contracts for insurance, security, food supplies and other services--a total of 170 contracts in all. Last year, shortly after Suharto's fall, Pertamina canceled many of them and announced instant savings of $99 million a year. Says the former associate of the Suharto scions: "They milked Pertamina like a cow."

One major Suharto money spinner was PT Nusantara Ampera Bakti, or Nusamba, which was launched with $1.5 billion in 1981 by three of the foundations, together with Bob Hasan and Suharto's eldest son Sigit (who held 10% each). The firm became a sprawling conglomerate with more than 30 subsidiaries in finance, energy, pulp and paper, metal and automobiles. Nusamba's jewel was a 4.7% share in Freeport Indonesia, an American-controlled company that runs the world's largest gold mine in the province of Irian Jaya. In 1992 the foundations apparently transferred their 80% share to Hasan, though it is not clear how much he paid for it. So far, government investigators have not asked to see Nusamba's books. Says Otto Cornelis Kaligis, head of Suharto's eight-member legal team: "When you talk about Nusamba you have to ask Bob Hasan. In the investigation of President Suharto, the Attorney General never asked any questions about Nusamba."

The family profited not only by winning concessions from the government but occasionally by disrupting the lives of individual Indonesians who stood in the way. When Suharto wanted to build a cattle ranch getaway in West Java in 1973, he displaced the inhabitants of five villages spread over 751 hectares. According to official records, he paid a total of $5,243 in compensation. Some villagers say they got nothing. Muhammad Hasanuddin, who was a boy at the time, remembers when his family's two-hectare rice farm was lost. "We saw the fat cows, herded by dozens of men pompously riding on horseback, trampling our ruined fields. The whole family could only cry." Hasanuddin's father ended up as a pedicab driver in Jakarta.

Similar stories abound. In 1996, a company owned by Tommy forced villagers off their land in Bali to build a 650-hectare resort. The firm had a permit for only 130 hectares, which it illegally expanded, according to Sonny Qodri, chairman of Bali's Legal Aid Institute. Residents who refused to sign an agreement to sell their land were intimidated, beaten and sometimes put in a pond up to their necks. Two were brought to court and jailed for six months. Nothing remains of the project now: recession hit just as the bulldozers were moving in.

Hasan Basri Durin, chairman of the National Land Agency and Minister of Land Affairs, says the Suharto family typically paid peanuts for the property it acquired--the average was 6% of market value--and reluctant sellers often changed their minds after visits from thugs or soldiers. "Sometimes they didn't pay one cent," says Hasan. "But it's legal because they [the Suhartos] have the documents." Only about half of Indonesia's farmers hold a registered title to their land, so proving ownership can be difficult--and proving intimidation even harder. As a result, few have come forward to complain
 
CHILDREN OF FORTUNE

For years, Indonesia's corruption was the kind of petty favor-buying and commission-giving commonly found in the developing world. Two factors pushed the country into a league of its own. The first was Indonesia's position as an up-and-coming star performer in the Asian economic miracle, which brought a cascade of funds pouring into businesses and real estate. The World Bank estimates that between 1988 and 1996, Indonesia received more than $130 billion in foreign investment. "All this has been possible under the eyes of the West, which supported Suharto for 30 years," says Carel Mohn, spokesperson for Transparency International, a non-governmental organization based in Berlin.

The second factor was "the children," as the Suharto kids are known. All six are involved in business, a calling for which they were groomed from an early age. "I remember when we were younger, me and Bambang and his other friends would go over to Uncle Liem's house," says a childhood pal of Suharto's second son. "Uncle Liem would always give us a package of money wrapped in newspaper." The package, he recalls, would contain banknotes worth $1,000 or more. Says Wati Abdulgani, a businesswoman who dealt with a family company in the 1980s: "The kids saw what was being given to their uncles and they thought, 'What about us, when we grow up?'"

Sigit, the eldest son, was apparently pushed into business by his mother, Madam Tien, whose own behind-the-scenes dealings in the 1970s earned her the nickname "Madam Tien Percent." A friend of Mrs. Suharto recalls a conversation with her at the time the government was building Jakarta's Soekarno-Hatta International Airport. "She told me, 'I want Sigit to learn about business,'" says the friend. "I told her I thought he should first finish university. She said, 'No, no, Sigit can't think straight.'" Two sources who worked on the airport project say that by the time both terminals were finished in 1984, $78.2 million had been given to Sigit in markups that appeared as cost overruns. He graduated to bigger deals. The collection of ticket proceeds from a national lottery, set up in 1988 by the Department of Social Affairs, was handled by a Sigit-linked company until Muslim leaders' anti-gambling protests forced its closure in 1993. "The gambling scheme earned Sigit and his company millions of dollars every week," says Christianto Wibisono of the Indonesian Business Data Center, which has been gathering information on Suharto-related businesses and other firms since 1980.

Second son Bambang, who founded the Bimantara Group in 1981 with two members of his former rock band, was helped in business by Uncle Liem. From 1967 until last year, the National Logistics Agency (Bulog) imported and distributed basic commodities such as wheat, sugar, soybeans and rice through Suharto-linked companies, including six belonging to Liem. At Bambang's request, Liem gave him a slice of the business. Through sugar trading alone, the son is estimated to have earned as much as $70 million a year, essentially for stamping documents. The system worked so well that each of the children was given a cut as he or she moved into business, a practice that continued until last year. From 1997 to '98, Liem had a contract from Bulog to import about 2 million tons of rice valued at $657 million. As part of that contract, Suharto's youngest daughter
Siti Hutami Endang Adiningsih ("Mamiek") imported 300,000 tons of rice worth $90.3 million. Over the past 18 years, under the pretense of stabilizing food prices, the Suhartos' deals with Bulog have earned them an estimated $3 billion to $5 billion, according to a former government official.

Eldest child
Tutut rose to become the queen bee of the Suharto clan. The base of her empire is Citra Lamtoro Gung Group, and its first big business was building and operating toll roads. The group's toll-road arm won its first project in 1987 after the government turned down two competing bids. Financing came from two government banks, a state-owned cement company and a Suharto foundation. When the president of state-owned Bank Bumi Daya turned down Tutut's request for an interest-free loan, he was fired. By the mid-1990s, her roads were earning $210,000 a day, and in 1995 the concession on her Intra Urban Tollway System, the most lucrative in Indonesia, was extended through the year 2024. Explains Teddy Kharsadi, director of corporate affairs at toll-road company PT Citra Marga Nusaphala: "The extension was a reasonable consequence of our investment."

Tutut's empire also includes telecommunications, banking, plantations, flour milling, construction, forestry, sugar-refining and trading. Foreign companies learned to take on a Suharto as a partner if they wanted to do business in Indonesia, and Tutut was first on most lists. "A lot of big multinationals insisted on having the right connections, and these were certainly useful to them," says Graeme Robertson, an Australian-born Indonesian citizen whose Swabara Group is active in coal and gold mining. At the peak of Tutut's power, according to sources close to the family, investors seeking to meet her first had to pay as much as $50,000 as a "consulting fee" to her minders.

In the early 1990s, Indonesia began to heed the advice of market-oriented economists to privatize many of its state firms. The First Family was a major beneficiary. Suharto ended the state telecommunications monopoly in 1993--by giving licenses for an international direct-dial operation and for Indonesia's first digital mobile phone network to Bambang's PT Satelit Palapa Indonesia (Satelindo). At the same time, state-owned PT Telkom transferred its customer base to Satelindo when it launched its own satellite, the country's third, with the help of a $120 million loan from the U.S. Export-Import Bank. TIME has learned that Jakarta gave Satelindo the licenses and Telkom's customers without a tender or payment. Thanks to the government, Bambang found himself in control of the company, which the market valued at $2.3 billion in 1995 when a subsidiary of Germany's Deutsche Telekom paid $586 million for a 25% stake. Bambang also received a major share of a $90 million facilitation fee from Deutsche Telekom as part of the sale.

TOO MUCH OF A GOOD THING

The Suharto children's interests became so extensive they started colliding with each other. Bambang and Tutut vied to set up their own television stations. Tommy competed with brother Sigit in aviation and with Bambang in shipping and car production. In 1990 the government solicited bids for a contract to provide switching equipment for 350,000 telephone lines. Japan's NEC teamed up with a company controlled by Bambang. Competitor AT&T gave Tutut a 25% share in its local venture, now called PT Lucent Technologies Indonesia. The project was ultimately split 50-50 between Tutut's AT&T group and Bambang's NEC. In 1996, Tutut came up against Sigit for rights to develop the vast Busang gold mine in East Kalimantan. Tutut's partner, Canadian company Barrick Gold, was opposed by Sigit's partner, Bre-X Minerals. This time, both sides lost; Busang turned out to be the biggest hoax in mining history.

The competition grew so intense that the Suharto progeny began seeking monopolies in ever-narrower lines of business. Bambang got a contract to import the special paper used by the national mint. Tutut took over the processing of drivers' licenses. A company owned by Sigit's wife, Elsye, became the sole authorized producer of Indonesia's mandatory identification cards. In 1996 Suharto grandson Ari Sigit devised a scheme to sell $0.25 revenue stickers as proof of tax payment for every bottle of beer and alcohol consumed in Indonesia (that business collapsed when producers stopped shipping beer to tourist mecca Bali in protest). Nine months before Suharto's resignation, Ari was gearing up to launch a "national shoe project"--all Indonesian children would have to buy school shoes from his company. "At the end," says an American lawyer with 20 years' experience in Indonesia, "the only thing that was transparent was the corruption.
 
When the Suharto regime fell, the children used their influence to extricate themselves from ailing businesses and debts. In April 1994, Tommy launched the Goro supermarket chain with two of his companies and the Central Village Cooperative, a large, government-run farmers' organization. Together they borrowed more than $100 million in loans, according to Bank Bumi Daya records. No repayments were ever made on the loans. On May 4, 1998, Tommy sold his shares to the farmers and their cooperative for $112 million in cash, saddling them with the entire debt. "The children were very wild," says Ibnu Hartomo, younger brother of Madam Tien. "It seems that they have forgotten about ethics." Angry mobs burned down one Goro store in south Jakarta during riots in May 1998, a week before Suharto resigned.

Though much of the Suharto fortune has been lost through mismanagement and the country's economic collapse--Tommy's PT Sempati Air, for instance, went bust in 1998--the family still has many viable businesses. One of many small examples: Sigit's PT Panutan Selaras produces 25% of the "premix" high-octane gasoline used in Indonesian cars and owns 22 filling stations in Jakarta, Surabaya and Central Java. Tommy's PT Humpuss Trading, meanwhile, is also producing the high-end gasoline.

And then there's real estate. While prices have plunged in Indonesia, the family's property holdings are today worth $1 billion, and many--including rubber and sugar plantations, malls and hotels--continue to bring in revenue. In the mid-1980s, Bambang paid the government $700 per sq m for a plot of land in central Jakarta on which now sits the Grand Hyatt Hotel, the prime asset of his publicly listed PT Plaza Indonesia Realty. In Bali, the children ended up with some of the most lucrative gems of the tourist industry: Bali Cliff Hotel (Sigit), Sheraton Nusa Indah Resort (Bambang), Sheraton Laguna Nusa Dua (Bambang), Bali Intercontinental Resort (Bambang, until two months ago), Nikko Royal Hotel (Sigit, until six months ago), the Four Seasons Resort in Jimbaran (Tommy) and the Bali Golf and Country Club in Nusa Dua (Tommy). Tutut and Tommy bought the land under Jakarta's National Police Headquarters for a fifth of its market value. Minister of Forestry Muslimin Nasution says 4.5 million hectares of forest and plantation land is connected to the Suharto children. Observes Melbourne-based economist Michael Backman, who has written about the Suhartos in his book Asian Eclipse: Exploring the Dark Side of Business in Asia: "Anyone who says the family businesses are broke has got it wrong. They still have shares in timber, oil palm plantations and hotels, all of which are big dollar earners."

THE WHEELS OF JUSTICE

Suharto continues to insist that his assets are modest and located entirely in Indonesia. "He told me, 'I don't have one cent abroad,'" says Kaligis, his top lawyer. "If anyone is found to have set up an account in his name overseas, he has instructed me to launch a lawsuit against them." Since Suharto resigned, son Bambang and his family have been spending time in Los Angeles; Titiek has been in Boston, where her son goes to high school. The rest of the Suhartos live most of the year in Indonesia. Sigit spends hours on his favorite Versace couch (no one else is allowed to sit on it), playing video games and watching tapes of Javanese shadow puppet performances.

But the wheels of justice have barely started moving. Attorney General Ghalib says Suharto has handed over to the government seven foundations with $690 million in assets. Members of Ghalib's own staff, however, say Suharto continues to control those holdings and that the foundations are worth far more than that. Three of the foundations together have an 87% stake in Bank Duta, which had assets of $1 billion in 1990. Yet in investigating the foundations, Ghalib has not gone beyond their printed records, which he has turned over to a state auditing board for analysis. Says Ghalib's predecessor Soedjono: "This investigation isn't going anywhere."

The ongoing reform of Indonesia's banking sector also seems to be helping Suharto family members and associates cover up their debt obligations. Last October, the government announced a plan to merge four state banks--with a total of $11.5 billion in nonperforming loans--into one. The six Suharto children and several companies affiliated with them are listed by the government as owing $800 million in bad debts to the four banks. The amount may well be understated: between them, Bambang and Tommy have $635 million in bad loans from just one of the four, Bank Bumi Daya. An official with the bank says that its accounts were falsely reported to the government, including $172 million lent to Hashim Djojohadikusumo, Titiek's brother-in-law, to buy stock in another bank. Borrowing money to purchase bank shares is illegal in Indonesia. Asked to respond, Hashim's office said he was too busy for an interview. When TIME informed Habibie of the loan, the President immediately began looking into it.

A genuine investigation into the Suharto booty will probably have to await the next government. A parliamentary election scheduled for June 7, to be followed by a presidential vote in November, could change the political equation substantially. Two leading presidential candidates, Amien Rais and Abdurrahman Wahid, say they would order a trial for Suharto, probably followed by a pardon if he returns ill-gotten gains. Megawati Sukarnoputri, daughter of founding President Sukarno and herself a presidential candidate, hasn't made her stand clear. Some analysts think she will leave Suharto alone, out of gratitude for his not imprisoning her father.

The children, however, could be in for rougher treatment. "As long as their father is alive," says a Suharto family friend, "he can probably protect them. After he's gone, they're going to have to run." Three of the six children have homes in the U.S., so prosecutors there could go after them under tough new laws aimed at corruption and money laundering. Bambang, meanwhile, controls two U.S.-listed companies, which could be subject to investigation under the Foreign Corrupt Practices Act.

Suharto himself has at least one strong legal shield: the presidential decrees that laid the foundation for Suharto Inc. Former Finance Minister Mar'ie Muhammad's anti-corruption watchdog, the Indonesian Transparency Society, has labeled as illegal 79 of the 528 such orders issued between 1993 and May 21, 1998. Yet Suharto was careful to have each decree approved by his rubber-stamp parliament, usually at the end of his five-year presidential terms. Moreover, notes Juan Felix Tampubolon, one of Suharto's lawyers, Indonesia has a statute of limitations on most offenses: "For every crime he committed, if any, before 1981, the right to prosecute has expired under the statutory period." For Suharto of Indonesia, that--along with $9 billion in an Austrian bank-- should offer considerable comfort in retirement.


With reporting by Zamira Loebis, Jason Tedjasukmana and Lisa Rose Weaver/Jakarta, Laird Harrison/Los Angeles, Isabella Ng/Hong Kong, Kate Noble/London and other bureaus


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